These are the real responses institutions sent to people who filed complaints through NewsCord. Each one was shared by a participant who agreed to make an anonymised version public. We have removed every personal detail and summarised what the institution actually said, so you can see how your complaint is likely to be answered, and decide it is not good enough.
8institutions
15responses logged
28participants
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BBC
BBC Executive Complaints Unit
Not upheld, final BBC stage
On: Headline 'Palestinian baby killed by Israeli gunfire in West Bank, health ministry says', BBC News online (6 June 2026), Executive Complaints Unit, case CAS/8399993
Received July 2026
The BBC's Executive Complaints Unit, the final stage of the BBC's own complaints process before Ofcom, rejected the complaint about the headline 'Palestinian baby killed by Israeli gunfire in West Bank, health ministry says'. It ruled that whether a headline names the human actor is 'a concept which is not recognised in the guidelines', that the wording 'might have been improved upon but that does not show it was inaccurate', and that no reader would be 'materially misled'. It granted no headline change, no clarification note and no review.
This is a stage 3 response from the BBC's Executive Complaints Unit (case CAS/8399993), the final stage of the BBC's internal complaints process. Beyond it, the only route is the broadcasting regulator, Ofcom.
The BBC Audience Services desk had already rejected the same complaint at the earlier stage, on 15 June, saying the coverage was 'duly accurate, impartial and appropriately attributed' and that headlines 'should not be read in isolation'.
The ECU's central move: 'There is no requirement for a headline to focus on what you call the actor, a concept which is not recognised in the guidelines.' It set the test as whether audiences would be 'materially misled', not whether the actor was named.
On accuracy it conceded the wording 'might have been improved upon but that does not show it was inaccurate', and said there was no 'meaningful difference between this formulation and that you would have preferred'.
It leaned on the 'not read in isolation' defence: the headline 'gives an accurate account of what was known' when read with the article, so the agentless headline is never tested on its own terms.
It rejected that 'Israeli gunfire' removes responsibility, asserting readers 'would entirely understand why the Israelis were being held responsible for the death of a baby'.
None of the three remedies the complaint asked for were granted: no revised headline naming Israeli forces as the actor, no clarification note on the article, and no review of the BBC's use of agentless language for killings by Israeli forces. The ECU answered only the 'actor' wording and did not engage the complaint's points on trailing attribution ('health ministry says') or due weight for a killing in occupied territory.
Our take. The complaint was simple: name who fired. The BBC's own report says Israeli soldiers shot at the car; the headline says the baby was killed by 'gunfire'. The Executive Complaints Unit did not defend that choice so much as rule the question out of bounds, declaring that naming 'the actor' is 'a concept which is not recognised in the guidelines'. That is the move to watch. Not 'the headline names Israel', but 'you are not entitled to ask the headline to name Israel'. It leaves the real double standard untouched, because the BBC does name the human actor when it headlines killings by others, and it reduces accuracy to a single question, whether the reader is 'materially misled', that almost any agentless construction survives so long as the body clarifies lower down. This is the final word of the BBC's own process. The only step left is Ofcom.
On: Dr Hussam Abu Safiya detention coverage, BBC News Channel and online (6 July 2026)
Received July 2026Same reply sent to 2 participants
The BBC rejected the campaign's core ask: that its reporting of the Israeli Prison Service's denial of Dr Abu Safiya's mistreatment should say that no evidence was provided and that the denial cannot be independently verified. The Complaints Team said it does 'not agree that this type of qualification was required' because the denial was 'clearly attributed to the prison service, rather than presented as an established fact'. It also said the 14:45 segment complained about had broadcast an IDF response, not the prison service statement, which the programme had not yet received.
The BBC's reasoning: wording like 'cannot be independently verified' is used 'when reporting competing accounts of a specific event or incident', whereas this reporting 'concerned the position taken by prison authorities' responding to allegations about their treatment of a detainee.
It argued attribution was sufficient: the denial was 'clearly attributed to the prison service, rather than presented as an established fact', reported 'through right of reply'.
On timing, the BBC said no Israeli Prison Service response was broadcast in the 14:45 segment; the programme 'had not yet received it'. An IDF response about the arrest was aired instead, and the prison service statement was first reported the following morning.
The BBC pointed to its follow-up coverage from 7am the next day: correspondent Caroline Davies reporting that Israel's Supreme Court had ordered the government to respond to the petition, which also covers thirteen other Palestinian doctors from Gaza, an interview with Dr Abu Safiya's lawyer Nasser Odeh, and the online article 'Lawyer says detained Gaza doctor was severely beaten in Israeli jail'.
The reply noted its coverage told audiences 'that this is not the first time that the Israeli Prison Service has come in for severe criticism and that Dr Abu Safiya is being held at a notorious interrogation facility'.
The reply states the concerns 'have been discussed with senior news editors'. The same response was sent to every complainant.
Our take. The BBC's defence is the attribution cure: naming the source of a denial is treated as enough, and the verification qualifier becomes optional. But Gaza health ministry casualty figures are also attributed to their source, and the BBC still routinely adds that they cannot be independently verified, a practice it has defended on the ground that audiences are entitled to know the limits of a claim's verification. The reply restates the double standard instead of answering it: the qualifier is standard for one side's attributed claims and 'not required' for the other's. The timing point about the IDF versus the prison service is fair on its own terms, but it does not touch the substance, because the BBC's answer defends leaving the denial unqualified wherever it is reported.
On: The Spectator, 'No, Israel isn't deliberately targeting children in Gaza' (24 June 2026)
Received July 2026Same reply sent to 3 participants
IPSO declined to investigate the Spectator article and found no possible breach of Clause 1. The complaints identified checkable false statements of fact: the article said the UN inquiry 'cannot produce one clearly documented case' when the report documents specific cases, called its evidence 'a doctor's guess' when the inquiry consulted two independent forensic pathologists and used audio ballistic analysis, and dismissed it as 'unverified' material. IPSO's answer was to reclassify each factual claim as the writer's opinion.
IPSO said the article was 'sufficiently distinguished as an opinion piece' because of the byline, the 'opinionated tone throughout', and its placement in the Coffee House comment section.
On 'cannot produce one clearly documented case': IPSO accepted the writer's own private definition of deliberate targeting and ruled his claim about what the report contains was 'a subjective consideration'. The report documents a 10-day-old baby shot in Nuseirat camp and a four-year-old girl shot in Khan Younis.
On the report being 'a chain of assumptions dressed up as findings': IPSO said this was attributed to UN Watch, so reporting it raised no breach.
On 'a doctor's guess about which weapon caused a wound': IPSO ruled that omitting the report's two independent forensic pathologists, its forensic analysis in 15 of 17 cases and its audio ballistic analysis 'did not make what was reported inaccurate or misleading'.
On 'activist claims, unverified family testimony and hospital hearsay': IPSO said this was the writer's view of courtroom viability, and omitting the report's verification processes was acceptable.
IPSO issued one combined response to the 'number of complaints' received, opened no investigation, and closed every ground at the initial assessment stage.
Our take. Clause 1(iv) of the Editors' Code exists for exactly one purpose: even in comment pieces, false statements of fact must be distinguished from opinion. The complaints put checkable factual claims to IPSO, what the report does and does not contain is a matter of record, and IPSO's answer was to reclassify every one of them as 'subjective consideration', including by adopting the writer's own invented definition of deliberate targeting. If a columnist can misdescribe the documented contents of a UN inquiry and IPSO calls it opinion, then Clause 1(iv) is unenforceable against any writer with a byline and a tone. This is not regulation of the Spectator; it is protection of it.
On: The criminalisation of non-violent Arabic political words (first MP reply; others yet to respond)
Received July 2026
Calvin Bailey MP sent the first substantive reply, with other MPs written to through the campaign yet to respond. He defended free speech and the right to protest, confirmed there is no prohibition on protesting for Palestinians, and said the Government has commissioned a review of public order and hate crime legislation to improve consistency and give police clarity on what can be said at protests.
Calvin Bailey MP is the first MP to reply substantively; other MPs contacted through the campaign have not yet responded.
He said it is not the Government's job 'to dictate what political views citizens are allowed to hold or how they should express themselves or their identity', with the limits being 'incitement to hatred or violence'.
He confirmed that 'there is no prohibition on protesting against the appalling plight of Palestinians, and there never will be'.
He said Ministers have recognised 'complexities in the legal framework which have led to arguments that the law is being inconsistently applied', and that the Government has commissioned a review of public order and hate crime legislation to give police 'greater clarity about what they can and cannot do regarding things that are said at protests'.
He said 'the context and way in which a word or phrase is used has always been, and must be, of primary importance' in distinguishing incitement from expression using the same words, which echoes the campaign's core point.
Our take. A serious and broadly sympathetic reply, and the first of the MP responses. Calvin Bailey affirms the campaign's central argument, that context, not the mere use of an Arabic word, is what matters, and points to a Government review meant to end the inconsistent policing the campaign is about. It is engagement, not yet a commitment: the review's outcome, and whether it actually stops non-violent Arabic political words being treated as crimes, is what we will hold it to. The other MPs written to have yet to reply.
On: Daily Mail, 'October 7 barbarism beyond all imagination' (12 May 2026), ref 32118-26
Received July 2026
IPSO declined to investigate the Daily Mail's coverage. It ruled that the complaints, which said the article presented the Civil Commission on October 7th Crimes report as authoritative without disclosing questions about the organisation, its founder or its methodology, did not raise a possible breach of the Editors' Code.
The complaint (ref 32118-26) concerned the Daily Mail's 12 May 2026 article 'October 7 barbarism beyond all imagination', based on the Civil Commission on October 7th Crimes report.
Complainants argued the article breached Clause 1 (Accuracy) by omitting who produced the report, presenting it as independent, and leaving out its disputed methodology and any counterpoint reports.
IPSO said newspapers 'have the right to choose which pieces of information they publish' and that the claims were 'clearly attributed to this report', so readers could judge the source for themselves. No breach.
IPSO said that 'under the Editors' Code, articles do not need to be balanced', and that the omitted context did not make the article inaccurate because the report's findings were 'accurately relayed'. No breach.
IPSO did not open an investigation, found no breach, and issued one combined response to the large number of complaints it received.
Our take. This is IPSO's standard triage playbook: attribute the claim to a source, invoke the newspaper's freedom to choose what to publish, and note that articles 'need not be balanced'. It answers a complaint about non-disclosure by saying disclosure was not required. IPSO did not test whether presenting a partisan report as authoritative, stripped of its context, misleads readers; it simply declined to look. Refusing to acknowledge the problem is not the same as the problem not being there.
On: Royal Mail's country and territory labels for Gaza and the West Bank
Received July 2026
Royal Mail have quietly removed the egregious label 'Israel - Gaza & Khan Yunis' from their website, without any public apology or explanation. The mislabelling that filed Gaza and Khan Yunis under Israel is gone.
Royal Mail's website had listed Gaza and Khan Yunis under 'Israel', erasing Palestine from its country and territory labels.
After the campaign, the label 'Israel - Gaza & Khan Yunis' has been removed.
Royal Mail have issued no public apology and no explanation of how the mislabelling happened or how it was corrected.
Our take. Royal Mail have quietly removed the egregious label 'Israel - Gaza & Khan Yunis'. An honest business would also issue a public apology and explanation. But anyway, pressure works. ✊
After a NewsCord campaign in which supporters sent more than 730 emails to CPJ's board, the board voted on 1 July 2026 to affirm CPJ's existing definition of who is a journalist, anchored in international humanitarian law, and rejected any change that would exclude Palestinian and Lebanese press. That was the campaign's first demand.
CPJ's board voted to affirm its existing definition: journalists are people who regularly cover news or comment on public affairs to share fact-based information with an audience.
The definition includes journalists working for state-backed media and those working with media affiliated with an armed group, provided they are not taking direct part in combat or inciting imminent violence.
CPJ said the approach 'is anchored in international humanitarian law', the exact standard this campaign argued the definition was fixed by.
Board chair Jacob Weisberg said: 'It is not true that CPJ planned to change our definition of who is a journalist to exclude slain Palestinian and Lebanese press.'
Our take. A real win, and the first of the campaign's demands. CPJ has now put its definition beyond doubt in public, including journalists affiliated with an armed group unless they take direct part in combat. But the definition was only demand one. The chair who drove the move to reopen it, the absence of Palestinian representation on the board, and an unreviewed methodology all remain. We have asked supporters to hold CPJ to the rest at newscord.org/action/cpj-finish-the-job.
On: From Our Own Correspondent, BBC Radio 4 (27 June 2026)
Received July 2026
The BBC accepted that the programme was wrong to place the Al-Aqsa compound 'in Israel' and confirmed the error has been edited out of BBC Sounds and the programme podcast.
The BBC confirmed the menu script at the start of the edition 'contained a factual error' by stating 'we're in Israel' when reporting on the Al-Aqsa/Temple Mount compound.
The BBC's own reply states that the compound 'is located in occupied East Jerusalem', the exact wording the broadcast avoided.
The error has been removed from BBC Sounds and the programme podcast.
The feedback has been shared with the senior editorial team at the programme.
The BBC noted that the main cue and the despatch itself did not repeat the mistake, referring only to Jerusalem or Jerusalem's Old City.
The complaint was resolved at the first stage of the BBC complaints process, without escalation to the Executive Complaints Unit.
Our take. A win: the BBC has now put 'occupied East Jerusalem' in writing. But a quiet edit is not due prominence. This correction should be logged on the BBC's public corrections and clarifications page (bbc.co.uk/helpandfeedback/corrections_clarifications), and the BBC should investigate how an error that contradicts its own style guide slipped through scripting, broadcast and the published episode billing in the first place.
On: BBC News article, 'Harry warns of deeply troubling rise in antisemitism in UK' (May 2026)
Received June 2026
The BBC amended the article by moving Prince Harry's reference to anti-Muslim and other hate up in the text and added context on Middle East casualties, noting the changes for readers.
The BBC reviewed the article against Prince Harry's original comments in the New Statesman.
It moved his statement about anger directed at communities 'whether Jewish, Muslim, or any other' to the third paragraph.
The BBC added further detail about the scale of loss in the Middle East from Harry's opinion piece.
A note was added to inform readers that the article had been updated.
The complaint was discussed with senior editors at the BBC website.
Our take. The BBC acted but only after criticism, showing reactive rather than proactive fairness in covering hate speech beyond antisemitism.
On: The Times, 'Harry speaks out on Gaza and rise of antisemitism' (14 May 2026)
Received June 2026
IPSO decided there was no breach of the Editors' Code as the article did mention Islamophobia and newspapers have editorial freedom to focus on certain aspects of a story.
Newspapers have 'editorial freedom to choose which pieces of information they publish' as long as there is no breach of the Editors' Code.
The article included a quote stating the Duke of Sussex opposed 'anti-Muslim hatred and all forms of racism' and IPSO said this made clear his comments addressed Islamophobia.
IPSO stated that articles 'do not need to be balanced' under the Editors' Code as long as they avoid publishing inaccurate or misleading information.
The reference to anti-Muslim hatred was not required to be more prominent because IPSO did not find the article to be distorted or misleading.
IPSO concluded there were 'insufficient grounds to investigate a possible breach of Clause 1' on Accuracy despite concerns over emphasis.
Our take. The reply dismisses concerns over skewed framing by deferring to editorial judgement while ignoring how selective emphasis can mislead readers.
On: NHS Federated Data Platform, built on Palantir software
Received June 2026Same reply sent to 10 participants
NHS England refused the right to object to data processing and confirmed there is no opt-out mechanism for the NHS FDP.
There is no opt out mechanism for the NHS Federated Data Platform because exemptions under the National Data Opt-Out policy apply to all of NHS England’s processing in the platform.
The right to object under Article 21 of the UK GDPR does not apply where NHS England relies on legal obligation under Article 6(1)(c), which covers the majority of its data processing in the FDP.
Even where the right to object could apply, NHS England claims 'compelling legitimate grounds' to continue processing, citing operational efficiency and patient care improvements.
Palantir staff may access identifiable data in the National Data Integration Tenant but only under NHS England’s instructions and not for their own purposes.
The contract redactions do not affect individuals’ data protection rights, according to NHS England, which directs complainants to published privacy notices and the ICO website.
Our take. The reply dismisses public concern by relying on legal exemptions and compelling grounds while offering no meaningful control over personal data.
How this works: participants log the replies they receive in their private My Campaigns vault. Only replies where the participant explicitly consented to public sharing appear here, and only after an automated summariser has stripped every personal detail (names, addresses, email addresses, case and reference numbers). We name the institution, never the individual who complained. If you logged a response and want it removed, delete the entry in My Campaigns or email [email protected].