Burnham’s shock stance on slavery puts pressure on the King

In November 2018, the King , who at the time was the Prince of Wales, walked through the “Door of No Return”. At Christiansborg Castle in Ghana , I watched him walk part of the route that an estimated 1.5 million slaves had been forced along before they were trafficked across the Atlantic in the 17th and 18th centuries to a life of hard labour, pain and death. Afterwards, he spoke of the “appalling atrocity” of the slave trade and a most “painful chapter” in history.

We are now eight years on. The King will speak with “unflinching honesty” about the slave trade this week at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting ( CHOGM ), as he has done several times in the intervening years. But he will, as always, stop short of a formal apology . As Buckingham Palace has repeatedly made clear, it is not within his gift: that is a matter for government. Further, as one source puts it simply, “it’s not his job” to decide on reparations.

In the lead-up to the King’s trip to the Caribbean, it was made clear that there would be no apology. Andy Burnham, the Prime Minister, has now changed things. Writing in The Guardian, he said he was “open to” calls for an apology, and was considering debt restructuring for the Caribbean countries affected . This has raised two questions. First, is the Prime Minister going to apologise this week? And is the King – if not on behalf of Britain, then in a personal capacity?

The answer to both, it seems, is no. But this matter is not a comfortable one for the King. In Antigua, as protesters promise a welcome consisting of billboards, placards and chants along the roadsides, the King is squarely in the spotlight. Palace told of Burnham’s intentions The palace was made aware, it is understood, of the Prime Minister’s intention to make a statement. It has been in the works for some months, and it has not been said – in accordance with constitutional protocol – how far the King agrees with his Prime Minister in a personal capacity.

The reaction to Mr Burnham’s comments has been mixed. Back in the UK, Kemi Badenoch, the leader of the Opposition, disagrees with him, while Caribbean leaders are tentatively welcoming, but have made clear that the conversation does not end there. The most strident of campaigners say that it is not enough. On this tour, taking in The Bahamas , Guyana, and Antigua and Barbuda, feelings are nuanced. There have been small, mostly polite protests so far, with demonstrators comfortably outnumbered by the well-wishers turning out to see the King.

There has also been a degree of bafflement among residents that the issue of the slave trade has been so prominent. At the seawall in Guyana, as a handful of protesters shouted, others ignored them or tutted at the timing. “They don’t know which side their bread is buttered,” said one woman. “Guyana is beautiful,” another shouted happily towards journalists, keen that they should focus on the country’s best side rather than any awkwardness.

“We need to move forward,” said a third person, a teacher. Earlier, organisers suggested that a marching band could perform for the King at Independence Park, as part of a celebration for children playing sports that day. The offer was kindly but firmly turned down, on the grounds that the King was planning a moment of reflection at a site where enslaved people had been executed. In that moment, this encapsulated the challenges of a royal tour in 2026: the outside world wanted to talk about slavery reparations, while those who had come to see the King wanted him to enjoy watching the cricket.

In Antigua, the protests are expected to grow more serious and the tone of debate more strident. The King is now, as his aides say regularly, “well practised on the diplomatic tightrope ”. “He is up for challenging visits, with complex issues and relationships in play,” says a senior palace aide. “He sees it as his role to ‘bat for Britain’, the realms and wider Commonwealth, promoting, protecting, and enhancing relationships at the highest level.

“One of the many benefits of a constitutional monarchy is the ability to transcend politics.” At this year’s CHOGM, it is becoming clear that something must change. Commonwealth must remain relevant The reparations debate may move on, but there are other matters to attend to as well for the 56 countries it is supposed to bring together, represent, and benefit. The sea levels are rising, infrastructure is crumbling, and global power is shifting.

In Guyana, The King’s Foundation is working with the government to revive Georgetown as a “Garden City”, partly inspired by the work at its headquarters, Dumfries House in Scotland. Other building sites, dotted along the roadsides, are Chinese-backed. The Commonwealth, under the headship of the King, must remain relevant. The British Government’s messaging must be clear. And the King, who does not hold the key to reparations despite his otherwise considerable influence, cannot answer for the Government.