Times of Israel, on Iran, 27 October 2026

3.0out of 10Minor

After months of threats by Trump, resumption of Iran war now seems inevitable

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Ever since US President Donald Trump’s Memorandum of Understanding with Iran predictably fell apart, there have been regular warnings about a potential US or even Israeli attack on the Islamic Republic. Those predictions often follow the latest bombastic threat from Trump, which have proven to be a reliable indicator not of an impending strike, but rather that he has no intention of restarting intensive combat operations against Iran. Now, however, a return to war in the coming weeks seems likely.

There are good reasons to believe that the chances of an American attack — or another joint operation with Israel — are rising, and the Iranians know it. But that doesn’t mean they’re about to give in. Get The Times of Israel's Daily Edition by email and never miss our top stories Newsletter email address Get it By signing up, you agree to the terms ‘Finish the job’ Israel seems to be champing at the bit to resume the fight against Iran.

According to multiple reports, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been trying to convince Trump to launch a joint strike, or at least give his blessing for an Israeli operation. Motorbikes drive past Iranian missiles and banners showing portraits of the Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei, center, and the late armed forces commanders and nuclear scientists, who were killed in Israeli and US strikes, at Baharestan Square, in Tehran, September 28, 2026. (AP/Vahid Salemi) Two weeks ago, US officials told Channel 12 news that they believe that Netanyahu wanted to launch an attack before the elections.

Advertisement An American source said that Netanyahu “has discussed the issue” of a resumption of attacks “several times,” and that Trump told the premier he can “go ahead and prepare,” but made no official commitment to approving an attack. Last week, sources told the Financial Times that Israel was ready to carry out strikes on the weekend of October 10 on Iranian nuclear facilities and energy plants, but was stopped by Trump. And on Sunday, reports emerged of “unprecedented confrontation” in recent days between Netanyahu and IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir over an unspecified military action that the prime minister has been pushing.

Defense officials believe the operation could lead to a swift confrontation with Iran shortly before the election. “This relates to an action that could lead to a flare-up with Iran, at a sensitive and dramatic moment, creating this [potential] miscalculation,” a security source told Channel 12. Since Trump called a sudden halt to the US-Israeli campaign against in Iran in April, it was evident that he had no inclination to go back to war before the November midterms.

That timeline hasn’t changed. CNN reported on Monday that Israel has been lobbying the US over the last week to support and potentially join Israeli strikes on Iran, but Trump asked Israel to wait, signaling that he would agree to conduct joint operations soon. Advertisement “There will not be a strike today,” Trump told reporters on Sunday. US President Donald Trump speaks during a campaign rally at McMorran Place Arena in Port Huron, Michigan, October 25, 2026. (AP Photo/Duane Burleson) Yet the midterms are almost here, and Trump has sharpened his rhetoric in recent days.

“Unless they change their ways, rapidly, we will soon finish the job,” Trump said in his initial endorsement of Netanyahu, in which he boasted of the damage the US and Israel had inflicted on Iran. “We have to finish the job that we started!” wrote Trump Sunday in a second endorsement, which featured a further rehashing of their ties. Trump statements on their own don’t necessarily mean much, but come at the same time he is making tangible moves for another major attack.

The Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt is seen in the South China Sea, July 4, 2024. (Seaman Ryan Holloway/US Navy, via AP) Earlier this month, Trump ordered the USS Theodore Roosevelt and its carrier strike group to the Middle East, along with around 10,000 Marines in the USS Makin Island Amphibious Ready Group. They are slated to arrive by the end of November, bringing the number of US aircraft carriers near Iran’s shores to three. ‘Matter of time’ The Iranians have long expected a return to war.

“The Iranians estimate with a high probability in any case that Trump probably intends to renew the attacks after midterms,” said Raz Zimmt, Iran expert at the Institute for National Security Studies. Advertisement “They see the preparations, they see the readiness and they see the statements, and they mainly know that the gap right now, at least between the United States and Iran, is a gap that is very, very difficult to bridge, and therefore the working assumption in Iran is that it is a matter of time until the war is renewed.”

A gull flies overhead as a boy stands with his bicycle on a beach overlooking commercial vessels anchored in the Strait of Hormuz off Bandar Abbas, Iran, September 7, 2026. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi) Though various US officials have expressed slightly different versions, Trump’s main demands are straightforward: Iran will have to give up enrichment on its soil, ship out its enriched uranium, cease any threats to the freedom of shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, and only then can it begin to receive significant economic relief.

That is miles away from Iran’s position. In exchange for only an initial seven-day ceasefire followed by negotiations, Iran has demanded the US end its blockade of Iranian shipping, lift oil sanctions, release frozen assets and end the war “on all fronts,” a euphemism for forcing Israel to pull out of southern Lebanon. Or, as US Ambassador to the UN Mike Waltz put it, Iran is demanding everything up front: “The release of the blockade, the sanctions, international sanctions and access to billions in assets, just to talk.”

United States ambassador to the UN Mike Waltz speaks during a Security Council meeting at United Nations headquarters, March 11, 2026. (Seth Wenig/AP) And even if those talks were to come about, the situation in the Strait of Hormuz will not return to what it was before the war. Iranian leaders see control over the key waterway as one of the country’s primary achievements in the war and insist they will not compromise on it. Nor does it appear that Iran is in the mood to budge on its other conditions.

Even in the face of a highly effective US blockade, with inflation spiraling and the economy contracting, Iran has not moved on any of its demands. The US blockade and threat of war might be dangerous, but the Islamic Republic still sees giving in to American demands as .

A more focused campaign With no real prospect for a negotiated settlement, all sides are gearing up for a return to war. Advertisement Netanyahu has been warning about a possible Iranian attack on Israel before Tuesday’s elections. The idea doesn’t make much sense. Though Iran expects another round of fighting, it doesn’t have much reason to force one. Black smoke and flames rise from an oil facility in an industrial area in southern Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, October 3, 2026. (AP Photo) And while , it is conspicuously avoiding anything that could trigger another attack from the country it currently fears the most.

“Iran hasn’t directly attacked Israel since early June because they fear, correctly, that Israel will retaliate hard,” said Michael Makovsky, president and CEO of the Jewish Institute for National Security of America, “hitting internal energy facilities such as refineries and natural gas facilities that feed electricity, more leadership, missiles and perhaps nukes.” It now appears to be only a matter of time until that operation takes place.

Once the US midterms are behind him in early November, Trump will be entering his final two years to cement his legacy. As long as the conflict with Iran remains unresolved, US citizens will continue to face high gas prices and inflation. Trump has made the state of the US economy a central focus of both his terms, and he doesn’t want to be remembered as a president who left it in shambles. Gas prices for regular and diesel fuel are displayed at a BP gas station, in Mundelein, Illinois, April 15, 2026. (AP/Nam Y. Huh) He also doesn’t want to be a president who couldn’t bring the Iran nuclear issues — and the Iranian threat to the Strait of Hormuz — to some sort of conclusion.

Of course, another US-Israeli campaign isn’t guaranteed to achieve its objectives if they are too ambitious. The allies might want to see the Islamic Republic finally fall, but regime change is not something a bombing campaign can likely achieve, as was made clear in the war earlier this year. A more reasonable focus would be on influencing Iran’s calculus around a deal with the US. This June 15, 2026, photo from Planet Labs PBC shows Iran’s Natanz nuclear enrichment facility, upper right, and the construction at Pickaxe Mountain directly to the south of it. (Planet Labs PBC via AP) Striking Iran’s energy facilities could intensify , while degrading Iran’s drone and missile capabilities would make it harder for Tehran to threaten Hormuz shipping.

A campaign would also likely target remaining elements of Iran’s nuclear program, especially Pickaxe Mountain. The site, buried deep under a mountain on the south side of Iran’s Natanz nuclear enrichment site, was not hit in the two US-Israeli campaigns, and the United Nations’ nuclear watchdog has never gained access to the site. The US and Israel believe Iran has moved centrifuges and some of its highly enriched uranium to the site. Netanyahu would naturally prefer to carry out such an attack with a firm mandate from the country to continue leading its fight against the Iranian axis alongside Trump.

It’s far from certain he’ll get that mandate and if he doesn’t, he will still have the authority to order a new campaign against Iran. It might even be the way he prefers to step away from power. Is our live election coverage important to you? Are you relying on The Times of Israel for accurate and timely coverage of the 2026 Israeli election? If so, please join The Times of Israel Community. For as little as $6/month, you will: Support our independent journalists who are working around the clock to report political developments as they unfold; Read ToI with a clear, ads-free experience on our site, apps and podcasts; and Gain access to exclusive content shared only with the ToI Community, including our DocuNation series and weekly letters from founding editor David Horovitz.

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What we found (3)

Times of Israel says in its own voice that Iran is ramping up pressure on Saudi Arabia, next to a photo of a burning Riyadh oil site, and never names the Houthis, whose attacks on Saudi oil sites other outlets reported. It also states Iran's private negotiating motive as known fact and calls Iran's government 'the regime' in its own narration.

  1. States one side's claim as fact

    Minor

    “it is ramping up pressure on America’s Arab allies, especially Saudi Arabia”

    Why this matters
    The words "it is ramping up pressure on America’s Arab allies, especially Saudi Arabia" make Iran the direct actor against Saudi Arabia, in the outlet's own voice. They sit beside a photo of a burning Riyadh oil facility.
    The impression it gives
    A reader believes Iran itself is attacking Saudi Arabia, including the oil facility shown burning.
    The context
    The New York Times, reporting the same day, describes a conflict between Saudi Arabia and the Houthi militia in Yemen, with attacks on airports and oil sites in the kingdom. The article never names the Houthis and gives no source for treating their attacks as Iran's own action.

    How we know

    Show it in the article

  2. States one side's claim as fact

    Minor

    “Iran knows that its nuclear program is the best bargaining chip it has left and it needs to wring all the concessions out of the US it can before agreeing to even moderate limits.”

    Why this matters
    The sentence states as fact what the Iranian government privately "knows" and what it "needs" to do, with no source attached.
    The impression it gives
    A reader takes Tehran's negotiating motive as established, as if it had been reported rather than guessed.
    The context
    No Iranian official, document or named analyst is cited for this reasoning. It is the reporter's reading of an unseen motive, written in the outlet's voice. The only Iran analyst quoted, in S28 and S29, speaks about Iran's expectation of war, not about the nuclear programme as a bargaining chip.

    Show it in the article

  3. Uses a loaded word

    Minor

    “far riskier to the regime”

    Why this matters
    The outlet calls Iran's government "the regime" in its own narration.
    The impression it gives
    A reader absorbs a verdict on the government's legitimacy as plain description.
    The context
    No one in the article is quoted using the word here. "Iran's government" carries the same information without the verdict.

    Show it in the article

    “domestic pressure on the regime to soften its stance”

    Why this matters
    Here "the regime" appears again in the outlet's voice, this time while it weighs strikes on Iran's energy facilities as a way to squeeze the government.
    The impression it gives
    A reader is led to see the civilian energy system as a lever against "the regime" rather than as infrastructure ordinary Iranians depend on.
    The context
    The word belongs inside quotation marks, attributed to whoever uses it. It is not neutral narration.

    Show it in the article

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