The Jerusalem Post, on Lebanon, 24 October 2026

6.0out of 10Serious

Are Lebanese Shi'ites abandoning Hezbollah? Poll shows majority favor disarming group - analysis

Tap a highlight to see why it matters.3 findings

Hezbollah may face growing criticism from within Lebanon's Shi'ite community, which has formed the backbone of its support for decades, according to a report from KAN on Saturday.A recent survey of Shi'ites got attention in regional media. As reported by Israel's KAN public broadcaster and the Lebanese Kataeb.org website, the survey, whose results emerged in mid-October, suggested that many Shi'ites are increasingly questioning .

The main question is whether Hezbollah should keep its arsenal. People also questioned Hezbollah's conduct in the wars with Israel. However, this did not necessarily mean that Hezbollah is losing its influence over the community.Respondents said decisions regarding war and peace should be left to the Lebanese stateThe survey, conducted by Statistics Lebanon in September among 800 Lebanese Shi'ites, found that 66.4% supported transferring Hezbollah's weapons to the Lebanese state.

Another 29.6% preferred that retain its weapons. The results were significant because Hezbollah has argued that its arsenal is essential for defending Lebanon against Israel.Roi Kais at Israel's KAN noted, “A new survey has revealed that about 66 percent of Lebanese Shi'ites support Hezbollah's transfer of weapons to the state, and more than 40 percent express anger and disappointment with its leadership. Amid growing criticism, the support networks and status the terrorist organization has given the sect still maintain its power - as long as no other entity fills the vacuum.”Notably, Kataeb.org, the website of the Phalange Party (Kataeb Party), a political party in Lebanon, published details on the survey.

The Christian Kataeb Party opposes Hezbollah. The website noted that 71.1% of respondents believed that decisions about war and peace should rest exclusively with the Lebanese state. Only 5.9% believed Hezbollah's leadership should have a greater role in determining Lebanon's future.Only 16.5% of respondents had confidence in Hezbollah's ability to guarantee securityThe survey also revealed considerable confidence in the Lebanese Armed Forces.

Some 78.5% expressed trust in the army, while 51.1% identified it as the institution best suited to guarantee long-term security. Only 16.5% selected Hezbollah.These findings raised questions about Hezbollah's traditional claim to represent the security interests of Lebanon's Shi'ites. They suggested that many within the community may prefer stronger state institutions, even if they continue to identify politically or socially with Hezbollah.The survey also found that 67.4% believed Hezbollah had either failed to achieve its objectives in the war with Israel or had achieved only some of them.

Another 42.1% expressed disappointment, anger or concern about Hezbollah's leadership and the consequences of the conflict. Nevertheless, 59.5% continued to express varying degrees of trust in Hezbollah, including 37.1% who reported a great deal of trust.An earlier survey presented a very different picture. In a June 10 analysis published by Israel's Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), researchers Orna Mizrahi and Moran Levanoni cited a May 2026 survey by Lebanon's Information International in which 87.5% of Shiite respondents opposed disarming Hezbollah, while only 7.9% supported surrendering its weapons.

More than 90% opposed ties with Israel.The contrast with the September findings led to many questions. How can people hold such different views? Is it possible that some of the surveys are biased in their questions or agendas?Mizrahi and Levanoni argued that Hezbollah's influence rests on its social and economic networks, political power, and the historical marginalization of Lebanon's Shi'ites.They also noted that intimidation has discouraged opposition within the Shi'ite community.

The researchers suggested that weakening Hezbollah's influence would require a stronger Lebanese army and Western and Gulf financial assistance to enable the state to replace Hezbollah's services.

This illustrated the complex relationship between Hezbollah and Lebanon's Shi'ites. Hezbollah is not just a terrorist group. It built networks of social services, financial institutions, and political influence .Now that it is so powerful, it is hard to uproot. Many people in Lebanon feared opposing Hezbollah over the years. For some Shi'ite families, it remains an important source of employment and assistance, even if they have to sacrifice their security due to .Lebanese fear Hezbollah-linked facilities could become Israeli targetsKAN highlighted an example from the southern Lebanese city of Tyre, where property owners reportedly opposed opening a branch of Hezbollah-linked financial institution Al-Qard Al-Hassan in their building.

They feared the branch could become a target for Israeli strikes. The branches have been targeted in the past.Hezbollah is attempting to regain support through reconstruction assistance. According to KAN, Hezbollah recently announced aid of up to $14,000 for eligible families in Beirut and its southern suburbs whose primary homes were destroyed, and up to $12,000 elsewhere.

The broader question is whether dissatisfaction will translate into political change. Hezbollah has suffered significant military and leadership losses since the war began, including the killing of Hassan Nasrallah in September 2024.Yet its influence is rooted in decades of political and social organization. Lebanon did not jump at the opportunity to uproot the group in 2025. In March 2026, a new war broke out, leading to massive destruction of villages in southern Lebanon.

Even today, Beirut moves at a snail's pace.

The survey suggests that support for may be weakening even among its traditional constituency. However, unless the Lebanese state can provide security, reconstruction, and economic opportunities, the criticism won't lead to major change.

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What we found (3)

The Jerusalem Post reports a September poll of Lebanese Shi'ites on Hezbollah's weapons. In its own voice it says Hezbollah caused the wars, though the record shows Israel invaded southern Lebanon and bombarded Beirut, and it states without a source that Hezbollah built its services to take over the state. It also repeatedly calls Hezbollah a terrorist group in its own voice while describing a poll about weapons and trust.

  1. States one side's claim as fact

    Serious

    “the wars that Hezbollah has caused”

    Why this matters
    In its own voice the Post says Hezbollah "caused" the wars that cost Shi'ite families their security. It gives no source and no counter-view.
    The impression it gives
    A reader takes it as settled fact that Hezbollah alone started the wars and is to blame for the insecurity in southern Lebanon.
    The context
    This is Israel's account. The record shows Israel invaded southern Lebanon, bombarded Beirut and issued evacuation orders over about 14% of Lebanon. The article itself says of 2026 only that a war "broke out", naming no one.

    How we know

    Show it in the article

    Written straight

    For some Shi'ite families it remains a source of jobs and help, even as Israel's strikes and invasion have cost them their security.

  2. States one side's claim as fact

    Minor

    “to hedge its bets and take over the Lebanese state”

    Why this matters
    The Post states as fact, in its own voice, that Hezbollah built social services and financial institutions in order to "take over the Lebanese state".
    The impression it gives
    A reader believes Hezbollah's schools, aid and finance networks exist mainly as a plot to seize the state.
    The context
    No source in the article says this. The INSS researchers the article cites tie Hezbollah's influence to social and economic networks and the historical marginalisation of Shi'ites, not to a takeover plan.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“Hezbollah's influence rests on its social and economic networks, political power, and the historical marginalization of Lebanon's Shi'ites”

    Show it in the article

  3. Uses a loaded word

    Minor

    “the terrorist group”

    Why this matters
    In a sentence about a poll of Shi'ites, the Post swaps Hezbollah's name for "the terrorist group" in its own voice.
    The impression it gives
    A reader understands the poll as Shi'ites judging a terrorist group, not a Lebanese political party with an armed wing.
    The context
    The survey asked about weapons and leadership. The article itself reports that many respondents still identify politically or socially with Hezbollah.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“even if they continue to identify politically or socially with Hezbollah”

    Show it in the article

    “the terrorist organization”

    Why this matters
    The Post attaches the label to the 29.6% who want Hezbollah to keep its weapons, calling the group "the terrorist organization" in its own voice.
    The impression it gives
    A reader reads that nearly a third of Shi'ite respondents back a terrorist organisation.
    The context
    The respondents were asked whether Hezbollah should keep its arsenal. That question is about Lebanon's defence, as the article itself notes in the next sentence.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“its arsenal is essential for defending Lebanon against Israel”

    Show it in the article

    “Hezbollah's terrorist role”

    Why this matters
    The Post sums up the survey as showing weaker support for Hezbollah's "terrorist role".
    The impression it gives
    A reader believes Shi'ites were asked about terrorism and are turning against it.
    The context
    The survey asked about transferring weapons to the state and trust in the army. None of the questions the article reports mention terrorism.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“66.4% supported transferring Hezbollah's weapons to the Lebanese state”

    Show it in the article

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