The Jerusalem Post, on Gaza, 26 October 2026

9.1out of 10Severe

Italy flotilla torture case against IDF officials even broader than ICC war crimes

Tap a highlight to see why it matters.7 findings

Italy's criminal probe of flotilla activists' torture claims against Israel impacts far more IDF officials than even the pending file before the International Criminal Court (ICC), .Since 2007, flotilla activists have periodically sought to block .Although the activists claim they are seeking to bring Gazans humanitarian aid, – almost triple what they were receiving pre-war.Gazans' overall situation is still far worse because the Strip is years away from being rebuilt, .ICC seeks to arrest Netanyahu, Gallant, may target other Israeli officialsCurrently, the ICC is confirmed to be seeking to arrest Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former defense minister Yoav Gallant, with reports that it is also seeking to arrest minister Betzalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir, and possibly also Defense Minister Israel Katz, IDF Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir, and former IDF chief Herzi Halevi.That is still a short list, and most of the officials are government officials because Israel has not probed its government officials.In contrast, the Italian criminal probe relating to Israel's treatment of arrested activists from the September-October 2025 and April-May 2026 flotillas not only includes many of the same ministers, but it also implicates a long list of IDF and prison service officials, of around a dozen.In fact, the IDF officials being targeted are even more noteworthy than the prison service officials, given that there is some cloud of impropriety hanging over the prison service since it has been managed in recent years by Ben-Gvir.Ben-Gvir himself was condemned by the entire Israeli government for various actions he undertook and statements he made relating to the flotilla activists.But , such as: former navy chief David Saar Salame, current Navy Chief Eyal Harel, each of their top advisers Tal Politis and Guy Levy, Ashdod Naval Base Chief Eitan Paz, and the Shayetet 13 Naval Commander.While none of the activists' claims against Israeli officials have been proven, there have been Israeli officials concerned that police and prison guard officials, who are under Ben-Gvir's command, may have roughed up some of the activists.Put differently, even if some of the most sensational charges might be untrue or exaggerated, some officials recognize that some of the lesser claims against officials under Ben-Gvir may be true.Yet, , leaving many mystified as to what prosecutors from Italy – a country which has been one of Israel's stronger allies even after October 7- could really be trying to get after going after IDF and naval officials.

Left out here: Leaves out what changes the picture

The article never says that Israel sealed Gaza to food, fuel and medicine, with half a million people facing starvation, which is what the flotillas sailed against. Without it, and with the article's claim of plentiful aid, a reader believes the activists' humanitarian aim was a pretext for challenging an arms blockade.

How we know

The Post understands from officials with knowledge of the case that the prosecution is being run by a local Italian prosecutor, who is not coordinating with the Italian federal government.Italian prosecutor rogue prosecutor, Israeli officials tell 'Post'In other words, Israeli officials speaking to the Post portrayed the prosecutor as a rogue prosecutor who is using an Italian law for universal jurisdiction that the government would not have intended or expected to use against an ally like Israel, as much as it may have been passed to go after a traveling warlord from a more broken non-democratic country.Further, the case has been a major domestic politics issue within Italy, such that some officials may see it as advantageous internally to make noise about such a case, without necessarily moving it forward to the end, something which could take many years in any event.Around the time of the flotillas, Italy suspended certain defense cooperation arrangements with Israel, and the sides have sparred publicly over the treatment of some activists who were recently detained in the West Bank while assisting Palestinians with the olive harvest.However, Israeli officials still view this criminal proceeding as being in conflict with overall Italian government policy, which has not sought to inflame relations.Rather, multiple sources with knowledge of the case said that the long list of IDF officials who are considered highly professional simply indicated how politicized and disjointed the specific prosecutor likely was.Moreover, they indicated that once a criminal probe is opened, it is always easier to add other suspects into the probe, even if they have less of a true connection to the heart of the issue.

The Israeli minister, IDF officials, police, and prison officials were all put under official investigation in Italy on October 16.The move expanded an investigation that was previously focused on Ben-Gvir.The case concerns alleged torture, kidnapping, personal injury, robbery and damage when Israeli forces intercepted small fleets of boats headed towards Gaza in 2025 and 2026, the Rome prosecutors' office said in a statement.Probe opened after activists launched complaintsInvestigators opened the probe after complaints from 50 Italian citizens who were detained ⁠by Israeli authorities following two Global Sumud Flotilla missions in September to October 2025 and April to May 2026.Prosecutors said activists detained after the first mission had reported beatings, injuries, death threats, insults and accusations of terrorism.Notably, , but would usually not be criminally probed.Activists involved in the second mission alleged even harsher treatment, including beatings in the dark, the use of rubber bullets, and tasers, a statement said.Once again, some of these actions would clearly be criminal, but .Investigators had identified various individuals forming the military and police chains of command involved in ‌the ⁠operations, prosecutors said.Prosecutors said they had sent Israel a request for judicial assistance in June, seeking information needed to reconstruct events and establish individual responsibility.

They did not ⁠say whether Israeli authorities had responded.Questioned about their response, multiple Israeli authorities declined to address the issue, signaling that Israel may view the request as invalid if it is not endorsed by the Italian federal government or may choose to deal with it through diplomatic channels as opposed to strictly technical channels.An interesting question would be whether Israel might comply more if the requests were more limited to Ben-Gvir and some of his officials, who took videos of themselves at minimum verbally harassing detainees.Under Italian law, crimes ⁠committed abroad against Italian citizens can be prosecuted in Rome.Being placed under investigation in Italy does not imply guilt and does not automatically lead to a trial.

However, if the probe determines that charges are ⁠warranted, prosecutors could lodge a formal request for trial.Reuters contributed to this report.

Read the original article on jpost.com (opens in a new tab)
What we found (7)

The Jerusalem Post states in its own voice that Israel's blockade exists to stop weapons reaching Hamas, that Gaza gets over 600 aid trucks a day and that there is no food shortage; recorded deliveries run at about a third of the agreed level. It vouches for the navy officers under investigation and suggests in its own voice that terrorism accusations against the activists may be justified and that tasering was routine force against resistance the article never reports. It also gives the activists no voice of their own.

  1. Makes a false claim

    Severe

    “Gazans have been receiving over 600 trucks of aid per day since the October 2025 ceasefire”

    Why this matters
    The Post states as fact, with no source, that Gaza has received over 600 aid trucks a day since October 2025, and sets this against what the activists "claim".
    The impression it gives
    The agreed aid level has been met or exceeded, so the flotillas' humanitarian purpose is a pretext.
    The context
    The agreed figure was 600 trucks a day. Recorded deliveries ran at roughly a third of that: 58,664 trucks entered of 165,000 due.

    How we know

    Show it in the article

  2. States one side's claim as fact

    Serious

    “Israel's blockade to prevent weapons smuggling to Hamas in Gaza”

    Why this matters
    The Post gives Israel's stated purpose for the blockade, "to prevent weapons smuggling to Hamas", in its own voice with no attribution, while the activists' purpose in the same sentence is reduced to what they "claim".
    The impression it gives
    The blockade is a narrow arms control measure, and the flotillas were trying to break a legitimate security cordon.
    The context
    That is Israel's account of its blockade. Coverage of the same period reports that Israel sealed Gaza to food, fuel and medicine, which is what the flotillas sailed against.

    How we know

    Show it in the article

    Written straight

    Since 2007, flotilla activists have tried to break Israel's blockade of Gaza, which Israel says is meant to stop weapons reaching Hamas and which has restricted food, fuel and medicine.

  3. States one side's claim as fact

    Serious

    “but there is no actual food shortage”

    Why this matters
    The Post rules in its own voice, with no source, that Gaza has "no actual food shortage".
    The impression it gives
    Hunger in Gaza is over and any claim of need is false.
    The context
    This is the Israeli government's position, stated as settled fact. Reporting compiled in our editorial puts permitted aid at about a fifth of what is needed.

    How we know

    Show it in the article

  4. States one side's claim as fact

    Serious

    “the IDF officials include completely apolitical and generally highly regarded officials”

    Why this matters
    In its own voice the Post vouches for the naval officers under criminal investigation as "completely apolitical and generally highly regarded".
    The impression it gives
    These officers are above suspicion, so including them in the probe is plainly wrong.
    The context
    The officers are suspects in a probe of alleged torture, kidnapping and personal injury. Their reputation among Israeli colleagues is a party's view, not a finding, and the article gives no evidence from the investigation about their conduct.

    Show it in the article

    “there are no Israeli officials who believe that the navy's conduct was anything other than highly professional”

    Why this matters
    The Post asserts a sweeping verdict, that no Israeli official doubts the navy behaved "highly professional", and uses it to cast the Italian prosecutors as baffling.
    The impression it gives
    The navy's conduct during the interceptions is beyond question.
    The context
    Only the accused side's opinion is reported. The activists' complaints about the interceptions, including beatings and tasers, are left with no answer on the facts.

    Show it in the article

    Written straight

    Israeli officials told the Post they regard the navy's conduct as professional; the Italian prosecutors say they have identified the military chain of command involved in the interceptions.

  5. Minimises the alleged abuse in its own voice

    Serious

    “being insulted and being accused of terrorism might be problematic or fully justified”

    Why this matters
    The Post interrupts the prosecutors' list of complaints to suggest, in its own voice, that accusing the detained activists of terrorism might be "fully justified".
    The impression it gives
    There may be grounds to call the flotilla activists terrorists.
    The context
    Nothing in the article offers any basis for a terrorism charge against the activists, who were detained at sea while trying to reach Gaza.

    Show it in the article

    “using a non-lethal taser to subdue a person resisting arrest is standard even in the West”

    Why this matters
    The Post answers the tasering complaint by recasting it as subduing "a person resisting arrest".
    The impression it gives
    The tasered activists were resisting a lawful arrest, so the tasering was routine.
    The context
    The article reports no resistance by any activist. It brings in resistance to defend the force used, and calls the seizure of civilians at sea an arrest.

    Show it in the article

    Written straight

    Activists from the second mission alleged beatings in the dark, rubber bullets and tasers, the prosecutors said.

  6. One side gets the space

    Minor

    “multiple Israeli officials with knowledge of the case have confirmed to The Jerusalem Post”

    Why this matters
    The Post builds the article on unnamed Israeli officials, who go on to call the prosecutor rogue and politicised.
    The impression it gives
    The case is best understood through the accused state's assessment.
    The context
    None of the 50 complainants or their lawyers is quoted. The activists appear only through a prosecutors' summary.

    Show it in the article

  7. Leaves out what changes the picture

    Minor

    What is missing

    The article never says that Israel sealed Gaza to food, fuel and medicine, with half a million people facing starvation, which is what the flotillas sailed against. Without it, and with the article's claim of plentiful aid, a reader believes the activists' humanitarian aim was a pretext for challenging an arms blockade.

    How we know

    Show where it belongs

How other outlets reported it

Our analysisThe“Ceasefire”IsaLie.

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