The Jewish Chronicle opinion piece, on UK Politics, 6 November 2026

6.0out of 10Serious

As a Muslim, I call out antisemitism in my community

Tap a highlight to see why it matters.3 findings

The facts speak for themselves. Work undertaken by the Community Security Trust (CST) and the Jewish Policy Research (JPR) Centre in 2017, in a study entitled Antisemitism in Contemporary Great Britain, suggested that antisemitic attitudes were significantly more prevalent among Muslim respondents of their survey than in the wider population.

That was almost a decade ago. More recently, CST reports from 2024 onwards have suggested that between 24 and 26 per cent of the perpetrators of antisemitic incidents may be of Middle Eastern, South Asian or possibly Muslim heritage. While not an exact science, these figures, based on observations made by victims, have not changed significantly, indicating an ongoing problem.

This points to a deep, ongoing and persistent problem of antisemitism. Furthermore, since October 7, 2023, antisemitism has undoubtedly become more ingrained and more widespread among some of my co-religionists. The sad fact is that Islam’s relationship with Judaism and Jewish communities has been supportive and collaborative at times and persecutory at others. Islamic theological and historical narratives have never been reinterpreted or re-examined in order to challenge the inherent power dynamic that placed Jews (and Christians) as second-class citizens in Muslim societies.

The history of Islam is marked by periods of positive coexistence with Jewish communities, but the unspoken fact was that as long as Jews did not challenge Muslim institutions or power structures within a Muslim state, they were “allowed” to exist. Hardly a great example of acceptance, empathy or compassion. The depressing fact is that there is no central religious or theological authority within British Muslim communities today. The lack of theological centralisation in Islam is its fundamental weakness and its Achilles’ heel, since it allows third-rate religious leaders, often from cultural backgrounds at odds with modern Britain, to interpret Islamic texts as they see fit.

The other sad reality is that . We saw this dangerous dumbing down of Islamic history and theology after October 7, when dozens of mosques hosted imams and preachers who supported the actions of Hamas and who caricatured Jews (and Israel) as the “enemy”. All of this information is available online, and while some of these mosques were registered charities, the Charity Commission and the police were woefully incapable of holding either the imams or the institutions to account.

The message this sent to the wider public was that such language was acceptable. We have therefore reached a point where Muslims like me need to ask some hard questions about Islamic theology, history and religious leaders. this inaction and silence have persisted for far too long, and honesty about the scale of the problem is needed. Unless brave Islamic theologians and religious leaders are willing to stand up, reinterpret and challenge troubling religious narratives, and call out the deep-seated antisemitism that has taken root in parts of British Muslim communities, this cancer of hatred will deepen the mistrust that has developed between the two communities.

It also threatens our shared future on this tiny island. Failure to act will also . , and I, as a Muslim, will call it out. Fiyaz Mughal is the founder of Faith Matters, Tell MAMA and Muslims Against Antisemitism

Read the original article on thejc.com (opens in a new tab)
What we found (3)

In this opinion piece, Fiyaz Mughal sets a hedged, victim-observed estimate of perpetrators' ethnic heritage against the Muslim share of the population and presents the result as fact, and he restates a single 2017 survey's result as a settled measure of all British Muslims. He also stretches thin evidence into broad verdicts on 'many imams', and he links young Muslims to a risk to the nation without support.

Opinion piece: read for false claims of fact and for fairness to the people it names, not for its opinions.

  1. Uses figures that mislead

    Serious

    “Muslims account for around 6 per cent of the UK population, which suggests that they are significantly over-represented among the perpetrators of antisemitic incidents.”

    Why this matters
    The words 'Muslims account for around 6 per cent' set a religious population share against a perpetrator figure that S5 defines by ethnic heritage, then call Muslims 'significantly over-represented'.
    The impression it gives
    That roughly a quarter of perpetrators of antisemitic incidents are known to be Muslims, four times their share of the population.
    The context
    The CST figure the piece relies on counts perpetrators who 'may be' of Middle Eastern, South Asian 'or possibly Muslim' heritage, as reported by victims. It is an ethnic estimate, not a count of Muslims, and the piece itself says it is 'not an exact science'. Comparing it with the Muslim share of the population uses the wrong base.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“may be of Middle Eastern, South Asian or possibly Muslim heritage”
    • Elsewhere in the article“While not an exact science, these figures, based on observations made by victims”

    Show it in the article

    “The prevalence of antisemitic attitudes was two to four times higher among British Muslims than in the general population.”

    Why this matters
    The sentence states as plain fact, for 'British Muslims' as a whole, a result the previous sentence attributes to one 2017 survey's 'Muslim respondents' and says only 'suggested'.
    The impression it gives
    That a settled measurement shows British Muslims as a population hold antisemitic attitudes at two to four times the general rate.
    The context
    By the piece's own account this is a single survey from 2017 that 'suggested' a difference among its respondents. The hedge and the sample are dropped one sentence later.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“suggested that antisemitic attitudes were significantly more prevalent among Muslim respondents of their survey”
    • Elsewhere in the article“That was almost a decade ago.”

    Show it in the article

  2. Judges a whole people on a few

    Minor

    “many imams operate with the mindset of mini theological dictators”

    Why this matters
    The piece passes a sweeping verdict on 'many imams' as 'mini theological dictators'.
    The impression it gives
    That a large share of imams in Britain are authoritarian figures who distort the faith.
    The context
    The only evidence the piece offers is that 'dozens of mosques' hosted preachers after 7 October. It gives no count of imams, no source and no way to tell how many 'many' means.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“dozens of mosques hosted imams and preachers”

    Show it in the article

    “Islam in Britain is not only at a critical juncture; it has also, in far too many instances, been hijacked by antisemites”

    Why this matters
    The closing line says a whole faith in Britain has been 'hijacked by antisemites'.
    The impression it gives
    That antisemites have taken control of British Islam broadly.
    The context
    Earlier the piece speaks only of 'some of my co-religionists' and 'parts of British Muslim communities', and its evidence is dozens of mosques and a 2017 survey. The conclusion about Islam in Britain rests on those few cases.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“more widespread among some of my co-religionists”
    • Elsewhere in the article“taken root in parts of British Muslim communities”

    Show it in the article

  3. Vilifies a community

    Minor

    “send many young Muslims down a dangerous path, posing a risk to the wider nation”

    Why this matters
    The words 'young Muslims' and 'posing a risk to the wider nation' cast young people, defined by their religion, as a coming threat to Britain.
    The impression it gives
    That young Muslims as a group are a security risk to the country.
    The context
    Nothing in the piece supports a claim that young Muslims endanger the nation. Its evidence concerns survey attitudes, incident estimates and preachers at some mosques, none of which concerns young people or national security.

    How we know

    • Checked against the whole articleIt never uses the words “evidence”.

    Show it in the article

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