The Jerusalem Post opinion piece, on Targeting, 27 October 2026

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Eisenkot and Netanyahu have reason to celebrate, but Israel does not, yet - comment

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If there are two clear winners from Tuesday's election, at least according to the exit polls, they are Gadi Eisenkot and Benjamin Netanyahu.The former IDF chief of staff began this campaign with his party polling in the single digits. If the projections hold, the ended it as the clear head of the bloc seeking to oust Benjamin Netanyahu.That is no small achievement, and it sends a clear message to Naftali Bennett and Avigdor Liberman: It is time to set aside their plans to force Eisenkot into a rotation agreement that would make one of them prime minister first.

The opposition camp has spoken, and the voters have chosen Eisenkot. The others need to respect that decision, and if the opposition is to form a government, Eisenkot should lead it.Netanyahu also pulled off an impressive win. Based on the projections, he is close to 27 seats, almost nine more than what the final polls said he would get. He couldn't increase his bloc, which is at about 50, but he led the Likud to an impressive accomplishment: ending, despite everything, as the largest party in the Knesset.But while Eisenkot and Netanyahu scored personal accomplishments, the question is whether the Israeli people have won.

That will take time to know.

The exit polls point to a problem that has long been known throughout the campaign: Neither camp has a decisive 61-seat majority, and neither has a clear path to forming a coalition. That leaves us with a simple but unavoidable conclusion. For Israel to form a government in the coming weeks, someone will have to break a campaign promise.It could be Eisenkot deciding to form a government with the support of Ra'am, the Arab party led by Mansour Abbas.

It could be Bennett, Liberman or even Eisenkot deciding to cross the partisan line and join a government with Netanyahu.That is why the coming days will be so consequential. Because if no one is willing to compromise, Israel could find itself barreling straight toward another election. And after everything this country has endured in recent years, that would be a gamble we simply cannot afford.Another conclusion from the exit polls is worth noting: a decisive majority of Israelis oppose Netanyahu and want to see him out of office.

Based on projections, approximately 70 seats went to parties, Jewish and Arab, committed to ousting Netanyahu.That does not mean all 70 support Eisenkot or that they can necessarily sit together in one government. But it does mean that Netanyahu and his coalition have lost the support of a majority of the electorate.And this brings us to another disturbing feature of this election – .

That is unprecedented, despite the campaign that the Likud led in which it warned that Arab citizens were voting in large numbers. The message was unmistakable: high Arab turnout was presented not as a celebration of Israeli democracy but as a threat to Israel's future.We have become so accustomed to this rhetoric that we barely notice it anymore. But we should.Imagine an American politician warning next week that too many Jews were turning out to vote in Michigan.

People would be outraged, and rightly so. Why, then, do we accept similar rhetoric about Arab citizens in Israel? They have the same right to vote as Jewish Israelis. It is one of the founding principles of the state, enshrined in the Declaration of Independence, a document this government has too often tried to cast aside.Are there legitimate reasons to debate whether Arab political parties should be included in the next government?

Yes. But portraying high voter turnout among Arab citizens as a threat to Israel's future is something entirely different.

The real question now is whether the politicians elected on Tuesday will be able to translate the results into a functioning government.Even if the exit polls show a decisive majority against Netanyahu, he will not simply step aside. He will hope that Eisenkot, Bennett and Liberman fail to agree on a path forward, , and if that happens, he will then have an opening to try to bring one of those parties into his camp.But that will not be simple.

Any party considering joining Netanyahu will come with demands. It will almost certainly refuse to let him take the first turn as prime minister in a rotation agreement; it will demand a state commission of inquiry be established into the failures of October 7, and it will need a real solution to the ultra-Orthodox draft crisis that has torn Israel apart.Can Netanyahu agree to all of that? Probably notFor Eisenkot and his potential partners, time will be critical, and they will need to move fast if they want to form a government – whether with Arab parties or a minority government.

Netanyahu will not sit quietly while they negotiate and he will try to recruit defectors and prevent the establishment of a coalition before it can even take shape.There is also the looming possibility of another attack against Iran, potentially right after the American midterm elections next week. A new war could give Netanyahu an opening to try to force a national unity government.In the coming days, we will find out the final results of the vote.

Such a high turnout shows us just how concerned Israelis are for the future of their country.

The voters have done their part. Now the politicians need to do theirs.

Read the original article on jpost.com (opens in a new tab)
What we found (1)

Yaakov Katz defends the right of Arab citizens to vote and condemns a Likud campaign that cast their turnout as a threat. In his own voice he calls these citizens "Arab Israelis" and "the Arabs" and never uses the word Palestinian, though survey evidence shows most have described themselves as Palestinian. A reader learns about a record turnout without learning these voters' national identity.

Opinion piece: read for false claims of fact and for fairness to the people it names, not for its opinions.

  1. Erases a people's national identity

    Serious

    “Arab Israelis are citizens of this country.”

    Why this matters
    In his own voice Katz calls the citizens at the centre of his argument "Arab Israelis", a state and ethnic label, when he defines who they are.
    The impression it gives
    A reader takes these voters to be an Arab minority of Israel whose identity is settled by the state they live in, with no tie to the Palestinian people.
    The context
    Survey evidence shows most of these citizens describe themselves as Palestinian. In Smooha's 2019 survey of 718 adult Arab citizens, 61.9% chose a description containing Palestinian. The word Palestinian appears nowhere in the column.

    How we know

    • Our analysis“61.9% chose a description of themselves that included Palestinian”Palestinian citizens of Israel voted in record numbers
    • On the recordIn Sammy Smooha's April-June 2019 survey of 718 adult Arab citizens of Israel, including Druze and Bedouin, 61.9% chose a self-description containing Palestinian. This is historical survey evidence, not a 2026 percentage or proof of any individual's identity. Arab and Palestinian identities can coexist.newscord.org (opens in a new tab)

    Show it in the article

    “the Arab turnout and the results that they brought, either 17 or 18 seats”

    Why this matters
    Katz reports the record turnout, the central event of his column, only as "the Arab turnout", with no national identity attached.
    The impression it gives
    The record vote reads as an ethnic voting bloc inside Israel, not as Palestinian citizens of Israel turning out in record numbers.
    The context
    The voters who produced the 17 or 18 seats are Palestinian citizens of Israel. Our editorial reports this as "Palestinian citizens of Israel voted in record numbers". The column never connects the turnout to the people who cast it.

    How we know

    • Our analysis“61.9% chose a description of themselves that included Palestinian”Palestinian citizens of Israel voted in record numbers
    • On the recordIn Sammy Smooha's April-June 2019 survey of 718 adult Arab citizens of Israel, including Druze and Bedouin, 61.9% chose a self-description containing Palestinian. This is historical survey evidence, not a 2026 percentage or proof of any individual's identity. Arab and Palestinian identities can coexist.newscord.org (opens in a new tab)

    Show it in the article

    “fail to agree to sit with the Arabs”

    Why this matters
    Here Katz reduces the elected parties and the voters behind them to "the Arabs", a bare ethnic noun, in his own words about coalition talks.
    The impression it gives
    A reader sees the people coalition partners may refuse to sit with as a generic ethnic group, cut off from any national identity.
    The context
    These are parties elected largely by Palestinian citizens of Israel, most of whom have described themselves as Palestinian in survey evidence. Calling them "the Arabs" repeats the label without that identity.

    How we know

    • On the recordIn Sammy Smooha's April-June 2019 survey of 718 adult Arab citizens of Israel, including Druze and Bedouin, 61.9% chose a self-description containing Palestinian. This is historical survey evidence, not a 2026 percentage or proof of any individual's identity. Arab and Palestinian identities can coexist.newscord.org (opens in a new tab)
    • Elsewhere in the article“Arab citizens were voting in large numbers”

    Show it in the article

    Written straight

    Palestinian citizens of Israel are citizens of this country, and their record turnout delivered 17 or 18 seats.

How other outlets reported it

Our analysisPalestinian citizens of Israel voted in record numbers

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