Times of Israel, on Targeting, 27 October 2026

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Israel goes to the polls: A guide to the election and the battle to form a government

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Some 7.3 million Israelis are eligible to vote Tuesday to elect the 26th Knesset. With a majority of voters backing parties opposed to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s rule, it is an election that could end his long hold on power — or leave him in office. Final polls suggest a tight race between Netanyahu’s bloc of right-wing and ultra-Orthodox parties and the opposition, led by Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar. While the opposition appears to have more potential paths to a parliamentary majority, deep divisions among its leaders, particularly over cooperation with Arab parties, could prevent them from translating an electoral advantage into a governing coalition.

After the devastating Hamas-led October 7, 2023, attack, successive multifront wars, deepening political polarization and growing international isolation, Israelis are heading to the polls for an election with profound implications for the country’s future. Yet despite the upheaval of recent years, Netanyahu could once again emerge victorious even if his opponents collectively win more votes, as they did in 2022. Under Israel’s parliamentary system, winning the most votes does not necessarily mean winning the right to form a government.

Instead, the outcome will depend on which parties cross the electoral threshold, how the Knesset’s 120 seats are distributed and, ultimately, whether rival leaders can reach the agreements needed to form a government. With another political deadlock, a minority government or even an unlikely unity government all possible, the election could be just the beginning of yet another prolonged struggle over who governs Israel. Get The Times of Israel's Daily Edition by email and never miss our top stories Newsletter email address Get it By signing up, you agree to the terms Here’s what to know about how the election works, what happens after the votes are counted and the possible political scenarios that could unfold in the days and weeks ahead.

Israel’s electoral system Similar to the United Kingdom, Canada and Germany, Israel is a parliamentary democracy, meaning voters elect a legislature rather than directly choosing their prime minister. The government draws its authority from parliament and must retain its confidence to remain in power. Israel uses a proportional representation system, widely employed across Europe, Latin America and elsewhere, including in countries such as Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, Brazil and South Africa.

Under this system, parliamentary seats are distributed roughly in proportion to each party’s share of the vote. In Israel, voters select a party list rather than an individual candidate, and the 120 seats in the Knesset are allocated accordingly. Advertisement A plenum session and a vote on a bill to freeze arrests of Haredi draft evaders at the assembly hall of the Knesset in Jerusalem, July 14, 2026. (Chaim Goldberg/Flash90) While proportional representation is common internationally, Israel’s particular electoral system is unusual in several respects.

Unlike most other democracies, Israel has no geographic electoral districts. The entire country acts as a single constituency, meaning voters in Tel Aviv, Jerusalem and Haifa all choose from the same party lists, rather than electing individual lawmakers to represent their local areas. Other parliamentary democracies, such as Germany and New Zealand, combine proportional representation with geographic constituencies, allowing voters to elect local representatives alongside political parties.

Many other countries using proportional representation divide their territory into multiple electoral districts, each electing several representatives. To enter the Knesset, parties must simply receive at least 3.25% of valid votes, equivalent to roughly four seats. Parties that fail to cross this threshold receive no representation, and their votes are excluded from the distribution of seats among the qualifying parties. The number of votes required to win a seat depends on turnout and is calculated by dividing the total number of valid votes cast for parties that cross the electoral threshold by the Knesset’s 120 seats.

In the 2022 election, this amounted to approximately 36,000 votes per seat, although the precise allocation also depends on surplus-vote agreements between parties and the method used to distribute remaining seats. The system makes it comparatively easy for smaller parties representing distinct political, religious or ethnic constituencies to win seats, contributing to one of the most fragmented parliaments in the developed world. Election day According to the Central Elections Committee, over 12,000 polling stations and some 18,000 ballot boxes have been prepared for Tuesday’s vote, with approximately 100,000 workers overseeing the process.

Advertisement Most polling stations open at 7 a.m. and close at 10 p.m. Israelis must vote at their assigned polling station, although special arrangements exist for soldiers, hospital patients, prisoners, and certain other groups. Voting is conducted using paper ballots. Behind a privacy shield, voters select from piles of paper slips, each bearing a party’s name and identifying code of up to four Hebrew letters, place their chosen slip inside an envelope and deposit it in a ballot box.

For example, Gadi Eisenkot’s Yashar party uses the letters Daled-Resh-Chaf (דרך) and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud uses Mem-Het-Lamed (מחל). , during the Knesset elections, on November 1, 2022. (Jamal Awad/ Flash90/ File) When polling stations close at 10 p.m., television networks will publish their first exit polls, offering an initial indication of the results. However, the official count will take longer, particularly if the contest is close.

Votes cast at regular polling stations are counted locally before being taken to the Central Election Committee, followed by special ballots, including those cast by soldiers and voters using double envelopes to maintain their anonymity. These could prove decisive if the competing blocs are separated by only a handful of seats. The official results are scheduled to be published on November 4, with parties able to appeal until November 18.

Israeli citizens aged 18 and over are eligible to vote, with registration handled automatically through the population registry. According to the Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS), 6.5 million of Israel’s 7.3 million eligible voters reside in Israel, with another 810,000 living abroad. However, Israel does not generally allow absentee voting, meaning most Israelis living abroad must register to vote and then return to the country to cast their ballots.

An exception is made for certain citizens serving overseas in official capacities, including diplomats, representatives of government ministries, the military and police, and their families. Some 4,218 eligible Israelis voted abroad on October 16. Advertisement What happens after the election? Once the results are determined, President Isaac Herzog will consult the leaders of the elected parties before tasking the lawmaker he believes has the best chance of forming a government, who does not necessarily need to be the leader of the largest party or bloc.

Because Israelis vote for parties rather than directly electing a prime minister, neither the party winning the most seats nor the bloc receiving the most votes is guaranteed to form the government. What matters is which bloc can assemble sufficient parliamentary support, giving smaller parties disproportionate influence, particularly when their backing is needed to secure a majority of 61 lawmakers. That candidate will have 28 days to form a coalition, with a possible 14-day extension.

If those efforts fail, a second party leader may be given 28 days (without an extension) to try, and if that attempt falls short, a majority of 61 MKs can request that the president assign the task to a particular lawmaker within a further 21-day period. Likud leader Benjamin Netanyahu (L) and President Isaac Herzog at the President’s Residence in Jerusalem, as Herzog tasks Netanyahu with forming a governing coalition, November 13, 2022. (Kobi Gideon/GPO) A new government takes office only after winning a confidence vote in the Knesset.

Although a coalition generally needs the support of at least 61 lawmakers, the law does not require an absolute majority to approve a new government, allowing a minority government to take office if more MKs vote in favor than against. The process can take weeks or months, meaning that even after Tuesday’s votes are counted, the identity of Israel’s next prime minister and the composition of the next government may remain uncertain. What are the possible outcomes? 1.

A clear majority A decisive majority for either political bloc appears unlikely based on most pre-election polling, but a potential surge in support for Eisenkot’s bloc appears more plausible than a decisive Netanyahu victory. With the exception of the pro-Netanyahu Channel 14, which has projected a majority for the incumbent government, the final polls published by Israel’s major television networks showed the premier’s bloc winning just 50-51 seats, compared with 52–56 for the four Jewish-led opposition parties.

Crucially, that figure excludes Ra’am and the Joint List, Arab-led parties that are projected to win another 14–16 seats combined, giving the parties opposed to Netanyahu a clear parliamentary majority. The central question, therefore, is whether Eisenkot and his prospective coalition partners — Naftali Bennett’s B’Yachad, Avigdor Liberman’s Yisrael Beytenu and Yair Golan’s Democrats — , something several, particularly Liberman, have ruled out.

Advertisement Clockwise from top left: Yair Lapid, Avigdor Liberman, Gadi Eisenkot, Yair Golan. (Avshalom Sassoni/FLASH90, Gili Yaari/Flash90, Tal Gal/Flash90, Channel 12 Screenshot) If the four Zionist opposition parties fail to secure an outright majority, which no polls have projected them doing, their leaders will face difficult choices over whether to cooperate with Arab parties or admit defeat. Any agreement would likely require leaders to abandon campaign commitments.

Ra’am, which participated in the Bennett-Lapid government, could prove particularly important, although even its support may not be enough to give the opposition a parliamentary majority under some polling scenarios. All that being said, Eisenkot has several potential paths to forming a government, while Netanyahu is significantly restricted to his existing far-right and ultra-Orthodox allies. Several factors could further shift the parliamentary balance.

Arab voter turnout could prove particularly consequential. , and higher turnout could strengthen Ra’am and the Joint List, expanding the pool of lawmakers potentially willing to support an alternative government, even from outside the coalition. It would also increase the total number of valid votes cast, raising the number of votes needed to cross the 3.25% electoral threshold and potentially pushing smaller right-wing parties below it, further weakening Netanyahu’s prospects of assembling a majority.

Netanyahu and his allies appear to be taking the threat seriously. Likud has made opposition to Arab participation in government a central campaign theme and announced plans to deploy 2,000 “volunteers” to Arab polling stations over unsubstantiated fraud allegations, drawing accusations of racist incitement and voter intimidation. Yoav Segalovitz (left), the number two candidate on the Ra’am party electoral list, and Ra’am leader Mansour Abbas, seen during an interview with Channel 12, September 5, 2026. (Screenshot/Channel 12) Smaller parties crossing the 3.25% electoral threshold could also prove decisive.

Ofer Winter’s People of Israel, Yoaz Hendel’s Reservists and especially Moti Leitner’s Charedi Public have all struggled to cross it in recent surveys. Their failure would leave potentially hundreds of thousands of votes unrepresented, benefiting parties that do qualify for Knesset seats. In the 2022 election, Netanyahu’s bloc won a 64-seat majority despite receiving fewer votes than parties opposed to him, largely because anti-Netanyahu parties Meretz and Balad failed to cross the electoral threshold, leaving nearly 289,000 votes — equivalent to more than seven seats — wasted.

This time, the risk could fall more heavily on Netanyahu’s bloc. Winter has pledged to join only a Netanyahu-led government, while Leitner could draw ultra-Orthodox votes away from Netanyahu’s Shas and United Torah Judaism allies. Both have resisted pressure from Likud and its partners to withdraw from the race. Conversely, Winter crossing the threshold could unexpectedly strengthen Netanyahu’s bloc, while Hendel, who has declined to align with either camp, could emerge as a kingmaker if his party enters the Knesset.

Ofer Winter speaks at a press conference near Ben Gurion Airport on October 05, 2026. (Avshalom Sassoni/FLASH90) Finally , roughly 70,000 Israelis are reportedly returning from abroad to vote , including through organized initiatives, which could be significant. Although their political preferences remain uncertain,

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What we found (1)

The Times of Israel gives a clear, largely accurate guide to how Israel's election works and the possible outcomes. In its own voice it calls the citizens whose turnout may decide the result only "Arab Israelis", "Arab citizens" and "Arab parties", and the word Palestinian appears nowhere in the article. Survey evidence shows most of these citizens include Palestinian in how they describe themselves, and the reader is never told this.

  1. Erases a people's national identity

    Serious

    “Arab Israelis cast their vote at a voting station in Tayibe”

    Why this matters
    The photo caption, in the outlet's own voice, labels the voters "Arab Israelis", a state-defined label that attaches them to Israel and to an ethnic category only.
    The impression it gives
    A reader believes these voters are simply an Arab minority within Israel, with no connection to the Palestinian people.
    The context
    Survey evidence shows most Arab citizens of Israel describe themselves in terms that include Palestinian. In Smooha's 2019 survey, 61.9% chose a self-description containing Palestinian. The article never uses the word Palestinian anywhere.

    How we know

    • On the recordIn Sammy Smooha's April-June 2019 survey of 718 adult Arab citizens of Israel, including Druze and Bedouin, 61.9% chose a self-description containing Palestinian. This is historical survey evidence, not a 2026 percentage or proof of any individual's identity. Arab and Palestinian identities can coexist.newscord.org (opens in a new tab)
    • Our analysis“61.9% chose a description of themselves that included Palestinian.”Palestinian citizens of Israel voted in record numbers
    • Checked against the whole articleIt never uses the words “Palestinian”.

    Show it in the article

    “Arab citizens comprise roughly 21% of Israel’s population”

    Why this matters
    Where the article introduces the electorate whose turnout it calls "particularly consequential", it gives only their share of Israel's population and the label "Arab citizens".
    The impression it gives
    A reader believes the fifth of Israel's population being discussed is defined only by being Arab and Israeli, and learns nothing of their Palestinian national identity at the point where it explains who they are.
    The context
    Arab and Palestinian identities coexist, and the evidence shows most of these citizens include Palestinian in how they describe themselves. This sentence is the article's one description of who these voters are, and it leaves that out.

    How we know

    • On the recordIn Sammy Smooha's April-June 2019 survey of 718 adult Arab citizens of Israel, including Druze and Bedouin, 61.9% chose a self-description containing Palestinian. This is historical survey evidence, not a 2026 percentage or proof of any individual's identity. Arab and Palestinian identities can coexist.newscord.org (opens in a new tab)
    • Our analysis“In Sammy Smooha's 2019 survey of 718 adult Arab citizens of Israel”Palestinian citizens of Israel voted in record numbers

    Show it in the article

    “would be willing to rely on Arab parties to form a government”

    Why this matters
    The outlet frames the central question of the election as whether opposition leaders will "rely on Arab parties". Elsewhere it sets these against "Jewish-led" and "Zionist" parties (S56, S60), so the only identity it gives these parties is ethnic.
    The impression it gives
    A reader believes the dispute over coalition partners concerns ethnic Arab parties, not parties that represent Palestinian citizens of Israel.
    The context
    The parties named, Ra'am and the Joint List, draw their support from Palestinian citizens of Israel, most of whom identify as Palestinian on the survey evidence. Readers are not told this.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“Ra’am and the Joint List, Arab-led parties”
    • On the recordIn Sammy Smooha's April-June 2019 survey of 718 adult Arab citizens of Israel, including Druze and Bedouin, 61.9% chose a self-description containing Palestinian. This is historical survey evidence, not a 2026 percentage or proof of any individual's identity. Arab and Palestinian identities can coexist.newscord.org (opens in a new tab)

    Show it in the article

How other outlets reported it

Our analysisPalestinian citizens of Israel voted in record numbers

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