The Jerusalem Post, on Lebanon, 24 October 2026

The Jerusalem Post reports a survey of Lebanese Shia opinion on Hezbollah's weapons, but in its own voice it writes Israel out of every act of killing and destruction it mentions: Hassan Nasrallah is simply "killed", a war "broke out" in March 2026, villages and homes are "destroyed" with no one destroying them. It also tells its reader, as plain fact, that Hezbollah "caused" the wars and calls the group a "terrorist organization" five times in the outlet's own voice, while the documented record shows Israel invaded southern Lebanon, bombarded Beirut and killed roughly 3,000 people in Lebanon since March 2026.

8.7

Severe

out of 10

What we found

  1. Hides who did it

    Severe

    “including the killing of Hassan Nasrallah in September 2024”

    What the words do
    The words "the killing of" state a killing with no killer. The sentence names the dead man and the month but never the force that struck him.
    What a reader comes away believing
    That Nasrallah's death was a loss Hezbollah somehow "suffered", with no state or army responsible for it.
    What is actually the case
    The Jerusalem Post's own earlier reporting puts Israel behind the September 2024 losses, and this article elsewhere names Israeli strikes as the thing Lebanese property owners fear.

    How we know

    Show it in the article

    “a new war broke out, leading to massive destruction of villages in southern Lebanon”

    What the words do
    "Broke out" gives the war no author, and "leading to massive destruction" turns the flattening of villages into a consequence of nobody's act.
    What a reader comes away believing
    That a war started by itself in March 2026 and villages fell down as a side effect.
    What is actually the case
    Israel invaded southern Lebanon and bombarded Beirut and other areas, destroying more than 40,000 homes and displacing more than a million people; the same reporter's earlier piece says the IOF destroyed villages.

    How we know

    Show it in the article

    “whose primary homes were destroyed”

    What the words do
    The passive "were destroyed" removes the force that destroyed the homes from a sentence about who is paying to rebuild them.
    What a reader comes away believing
    That the destroyed homes are a backdrop to a Hezbollah public relations exercise, with no identified cause.
    What is actually the case
    Israeli strikes destroyed more than 40,000 homes in Lebanon and displaced more than a million people; the article names Israel nowhere in this passage.

    How we know

    • On the recordIsraeli strikes have destroyed more than 40,000 homes in Lebanon and displaced more than 1 million people.newscord.org (opens in a new tab)
    • Elsewhere in the article“become a target for Israeli strikes”

    Show it in the article

    “The branches have been targeted in the past”

    What the words do
    Another passive construction: branches "have been targeted", with the targeting party dropped one sentence after the article itself named Israeli strikes.
    What a reader comes away believing
    That the targeting of these branches is an unattributed hazard rather than Israeli bombing.
    What is actually the case
    The preceding sentence in this same article says owners feared the branch could become a target for Israeli strikes, so the outlet had the actor and dropped it.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“They feared the branch could become a target for Israeli strikes.”

    Show it in the article

    Written straight

    Israel killed Hezbollah's leader Hassan Nasrallah in September 2024. In March 2026 Israel attacked Lebanon again, destroying villages across the south, and Israeli strikes have destroyed more than 40,000 homes.

  2. States one side's claim as fact

    Serious

    “the wars that Hezbollah has caused”

    What the words do
    The Jerusalem Post states in its own voice, with no attribution and no counter, that Hezbollah caused the wars Lebanese families are paying for.
    What a reader comes away believing
    That responsibility for the destruction in Lebanon is settled and lies with Hezbollah.
    What is actually the case
    This is Israel's account of the war stated as established fact. The record shows Israel invaded southern Lebanon and bombarded Beirut and other areas, killing roughly 3,000 people in Lebanon since 2 March 2026 against roughly 21 Israeli dead. The article itself elsewhere presents Hezbollah's opposing position only as something it "has argued".

    How we know

    • On the recordIsrael invaded southern Lebanon and bombarded Beirut and other areas.newscord.org (opens in a new tab)
    • On the recordIsrael has killed roughly 3,000 people in Lebanon since 2 March 2026, according to the Lebanese Health Ministry's count.newscord.org (opens in a new tab)
    • Elsewhere in the article“Hezbollah has argued that its arsenal is essential for defending Lebanon against Israel”

    Show it in the article

    Written straight

    Hezbollah says its weapons are needed to defend Lebanon against Israel, which invaded southern Lebanon and bombarded Beirut and has killed roughly 3,000 people there since March 2026; Israel blames Hezbollah for starting the fighting.

  3. States one side's claim as fact

    Serious

    “the terrorist group”

    What the words do
    On first reference the outlet drops the survey's own neutral wording and calls Hezbollah "the terrorist group" in its own voice, with no attribution to any government or designation.
    What a reader comes away believing
    That "terrorist group" is a neutral descriptor rather than one party's designation.
    What is actually the case
    Hezbollah sits in Lebanese politics and the article's own account describes it as a party with social, financial and political institutions. The designation is a position held by Israel and some states, not a fact the article establishes.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“It built networks of social services, financial institutions, and political influence”

    Show it in the article

    “the terrorist organization”

    What the words do
    Repeats the label inside a plain statistical sentence about survey respondents, so the verdict rides along with the numbers.
    What a reader comes away believing
    That the 29.6% of Shia respondents surveyed want "the terrorist organization" to keep its weapons, with the characterisation already settled for them.
    What is actually the case
    The survey question, as the article reports it, was about transferring weapons to the Lebanese state; the terrorist characterisation is the outlet's addition, not the respondents' or the pollster's.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“supported transferring Hezbollah's weapons to the Lebanese state”

    Show it in the article

    “the support networks and status the terrorist organization has given the sect”

    What the words do
    Here the label is carried inside the outlet's own paraphrase around a quotation from Israel's KAN, blending the broadcaster's framing into the Post's voice.
    What a reader comes away believing
    That an Israeli state broadcaster's characterisation is a shared description of record.
    What is actually the case
    The quoted KAN analyst's words reported in the article concern the survey findings; the outlet supplies "terrorist organization" itself, while the same article documents Hezbollah's electoral party rivals and political role.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“The Christian Kataeb Party opposes Hezbollah.”

    Show it in the article

    “support for Hezbollah's terrorist role”

    What the words do
    In its closing assessment the outlet converts the poll's question about weapons into "Hezbollah's terrorist role", a phrase no source in the article uses.
    What a reader comes away believing
    That the survey measured support for terrorism.
    What is actually the case
    The article reports the questions asked: transferring weapons to the state, who should decide on war and peace, and trust in the army. None of them asked about a "terrorist role".

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“decisions about war and peace should rest exclusively with the Lebanese state”

    Show it in the article

    Written straight

    Hezbollah, a Lebanese party and armed movement that Israel and some Western states designate as a terrorist organisation, holds seats in parliament and runs social and financial institutions across the country.

  4. States one side's claim as fact

    Minor

    “Many people in Lebanon feared opposing Hezbollah over the years”

    What the words do
    States as the outlet's own finding a point the article has just attributed to two Israeli institute researchers, dropping the attribution.
    What a reader comes away believing
    That widespread fear of Hezbollah is an established fact rather than the assessment of named analysts at an Israeli think tank.
    What is actually the case
    The article's source for this is the INSS analysis by Mizrahi and Levanoni, which it cites one paragraph earlier as noting that intimidation has discouraged opposition.

    How we know

    • Elsewhere in the article“They also noted that intimidation has discouraged opposition within the Shi'ite community.”

    Show it in the article

  5. Leaves out what changes the picture

    Minor

    What is missing

    The article tells its reader that villages in southern Lebanon suffered massive destruction and that families' homes were destroyed, but never says Israeli strikes did it. Israeli strikes have destroyed more than 40,000 homes and displaced more than a million people, and Israel killed roughly 3,000 people in Lebanon from 2 March 2026. Without this a reader takes the destruction as a consequence of a war with no author, which is how the article has already framed it.

    How we know

    Show where it belongs

  6. Leaves out what changes the picture

    Minor

    What is missing

    The piece closes on whether the Lebanese state can "provide security" without telling the reader that Israel occupies a self-declared security zone inside southern Lebanon and issued evacuation orders covering about 14% of Lebanon's territory. Without that, a reader understands the disarmament debate as purely a domestic contest between Hezbollah and the Lebanese army, with no foreign army on Lebanese soil.

    How we know

    Show where it belongs

Every underline is part of a finding. Press one to see why.

Are Lebanese Shi'ites abandoning Hezbollah? Poll shows majority favor disarming group - analysis

Hezbollah may face growing criticism from within Lebanon's Shi'ite community, which has formed the backbone of its support for decades, according to a report from KAN on Saturday.A recent survey of Shi'ites got attention in regional media. As reported by Israel's KAN public broadcaster and the Lebanese Kataeb.org website, the survey, whose results emerged in mid-October, suggested that many Shi'ites are increasingly questioning .The main question is whether Hezbollah should keep its arsenal. People also questioned Hezbollah's conduct in the wars with Israel. However, this did not necessarily mean that Hezbollah is losing its influence over the community.Respondents said decisions regarding war and peace should be left to the Lebanese stateThe survey, conducted by Statistics Lebanon in September among 800 Lebanese Shi'ites, found that 66.4% supported transferring Hezbollah's weapons to the Lebanese state. Another 29.6% preferred that retain its weapons. The results were significant because Hezbollah has argued that its arsenal is essential for defending Lebanon against Israel.Roi Kais at Israel's KAN noted, “A new survey has revealed that about 66 percent of Lebanese Shi'ites support Hezbollah's transfer of weapons to the state, and more than 40 percent express anger and disappointment with its leadership. Amid growing criticism, still maintain its power - as long as no other entity fills the vacuum.”Notably, Kataeb.org, the website of the Phalange Party (Kataeb Party), a political party in Lebanon, published details on the survey. The Christian Kataeb Party opposes Hezbollah. The website noted that 71.1% of respondents believed that decisions about war and peace should rest exclusively with the Lebanese state. Only 5.9% believed Hezbollah's leadership should have a greater role in determining Lebanon's future.Only 16.5% of respondents had confidence in Hezbollah's ability to guarantee securityThe survey also revealed considerable confidence in the Lebanese Armed Forces. Some 78.5% expressed trust in the army, while 51.1% identified it as the institution best suited to guarantee long-term security. Only 16.5% selected Hezbollah.These findings raised questions about Hezbollah's traditional claim to represent the security interests of Lebanon's Shi'ites. They suggested that many within the community may prefer stronger state institutions, even if they continue to identify politically or socially with Hezbollah.The survey also found that 67.4% believed Hezbollah had either failed to achieve its objectives in the war with Israel or had achieved only some of them. Another 42.1% expressed disappointment, anger or concern about Hezbollah's leadership and the consequences of the conflict. Nevertheless, 59.5% continued to express varying degrees of trust in Hezbollah, including 37.1% who reported a great deal of trust.An earlier survey presented a very different picture. In a June 10 analysis published by Israel's Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), researchers Orna Mizrahi and Moran Levanoni cited a May 2026 survey by Lebanon's Information International in which 87.5% of Shiite respondents opposed disarming Hezbollah, while only 7.9% supported surrendering its weapons. More than 90% opposed ties with Israel.The contrast with the September findings led to many questions. How can people hold such different views? Is it possible that some of the surveys are biased in their questions or agendas?Mizrahi and Levanoni argued that Hezbollah's influence rests on its social and economic networks, political power, and the historical marginalization of Lebanon's Shi'ites.They also noted that intimidation has discouraged opposition within the Shi'ite community. The researchers suggested that weakening Hezbollah's influence would require a stronger Lebanese army and Western and Gulf financial assistance to enable the state to replace Hezbollah's services.This illustrated the complex relationship between Hezbollah and Lebanon's Shi'ites. Hezbollah is not just a terrorist group. It built networks of social services, financial institutions, and political influence to hedge its bets and take over the Lebanese state.Now that it is so powerful, it is hard to uproot. . For some Shi'ite families, it remains an important source of employment and assistance, even if they have to sacrifice their security due to .Lebanese fear Hezbollah-linked facilities could become Israeli targetsKAN highlighted an example from the southern Lebanese city of Tyre, where property owners reportedly opposed opening a branch of Hezbollah-linked financial institution Al-Qard Al-Hassan in their building. They feared the branch could become a target for Israeli strikes. .Hezbollah is attempting to regain support through reconstruction assistance. According to KAN, Hezbollah recently announced aid of up to $14,000 for eligible families in Beirut and its southern suburbs , and up to $12,000 elsewhere.The broader question is whether dissatisfaction will translate into political change. Hezbollah has suffered significant military and leadership losses since the war began, .Yet its influence is rooted in decades of political and social organization. Lebanon did not jump at the opportunity to uproot the group in 2025. In March 2026, . Even today, Beirut moves at a snail's pace.The survey suggests that may be weakening even among its traditional constituency. However, unless the Lebanese state can provide security, reconstruction, and economic opportunities, the criticism won't lead to major change.

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